Showing posts with label congestion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label congestion. Show all posts

Monday, November 3, 2014

Credibility on the line: time to get real about Auckland transport and land use options

Councillors are getting nervous about the planned central rail link (CRL).  So they should be.  And while planning is well down the track, it’s not too late to apply the brakes.

This post strings together some of the arguments I have raised against the CRL over the past several years[1], and adds another one –the likelihood that technology gains will further undermine it.

But first some basics. 

Moving more and moving further
Transport is a derived demand: you only get it in response to the demand to move people or goods.  And as information flows more and more freely around the world, so growing demand for travel and trade -- locally, nationally, and internationally -- drives investment in transport. 

As nations, towns, and cities prosper, we travel more and further.  We exercise greater choice in where and how we live.  We consume a greater variety of products and services at lower prices.  And the transport sector responds with ever increasing products, services, and capacity.

Of course, it’s not just a one-way street. Transport innovations facilitate new trading relationships and expand travel demands.  Innovation-driven gains in mobility have enabled the masses and not simply the rich to enjoy the benefits of access to more space, more places, and more lifestyle opportunities. 

For example, the arrival of the wide-bodied jet in the 1960s and the more recent emergence of the single aisle, light weight, twin engine long-distance jet have increased the affordability of long distance travel and supported the emergence of many more international travel destinations for many more travellers. 

Similarly, the globalisation of production has been facilitated by transformation of the freight industry into an integrated transport, storage, and fulfilment logistics sector operating seamlessly to deliver lower priced goods from producer to consumer regardless of the distance and borders between them.

Urban transport – a history of increasing personal mobility
This is not the place to detail the history of urban transport, but it’s worth noting a legacy of occasional step changes resulting from disruptive new technologies interspersed with long periods of refining existing technologies.  These two have offered people the opportunity to enjoy more space, better health, and better lifestyles through progressively improved access to housing, services, work, and recreation. 
 
Hence the displacement of horse and carriage with steam-driven and tracked vehicles in the second half of the 19th century, the replacement of steam engines with internal combustion engines late in the 19th century; the introduction of the omnibus at the beginning of the 20th; the development of mass-production techniques for automobiles in the 1930s; and their proliferation in the 1950s and beyond.

Innovations in engines, propulsion, and materials have led to continuous automobile performance improvements. Even so, concerns about congestion, threats to oil supplies, pollution, and the costs of providing more road capacity raise questions over just how much more car use we can sustain. 

Despite its own gains in distribution, comfort, and speed, mass transit remains an alternative limited by fixed routes especially in today's complex and often fragmented cities.  The problem is less acute for buses than trains, although the economics of providing routes and schedules to suit diverse needs in large cities are entrenched in both modes.

So, where does the next step change lie in urban mobility?

Driving innovation
Perhaps the rate of advance to existing technologies has reached the point that disruptive technologies are less likely.  Ongoing innovation in car operations (built most recently on revolutions in information technology) and advances in engines are likely to deliver major capacity gains from infrastructure and lower the cost and impacts of private motoring[2], lifting personal mobility and reducing the likelihood of step change.  At the same time the propensity to use cars is stabilising, if not diminishing. [3] The threat is that the fixed route options for public transport will become even less attractive.

Of course demand will be  continue to be driven up by population growth, even if individuals drive less.  Herein lies the challenge: we are not talking about the mobility of current Aucklanders, but that of perhaps a million more seeking their share of transport infrastructure. 

How do we cater for this: promote a return to the old technology of fixed route rail capacity?  More roads? Or by managing transport demand through effective land use planning?  I prefer a combination of all three, but it’s a preference based on (1) understanding the particular limits to and costs of continued obsession with rail and particularly (in Auckland) the CRL, and (2) returning to an emphasis on sensible land use as the engine of this particular train, not transport.

The limits to rail
At the risk of being repetitive [4] here are some of the reasons to reject major expenditure on the CRL (or a rail-based airport link or harbour crossing for that matter):

(1)  Demand will be limited.  A doubling or tripling of rail patronage will not go far in terms of total commuter demand given the very small base it operates off; 9,000 Aucklanders commuted by train according to the 2013 Census.  That's 2% of commuters.  Currently 10% of Aucklanders commute by public transport, 80% of those bus.
 
Boosting public transport demand though park and ride facilities or integrated ticketing is limited by the relatively small number of destinations served.  Public transport travel time costs are already high and multi-mode travel inevitably lifts them no matter high efficient. 

Boosting public transport demand by providing inner city dwelling capacity is largely irrelevant as inner city commuters already have a high propensity to walk, cycle or take public transport to work (only 55% use a private vehicle).  That market is tiny anyway, and likely to remain so.[5]  

Promoting high density dwelling around stations at key suburban centres to boost train patronage will meet market resistance.  And, if successful, it will lead to conflicts between local activity and park and ride facilities, adding to local congestion. 

Focusing employment on the CBD to boost the use of public transport ignores the needs of the majority of businesses (only 12% of Auckland employment is currently in the CBD).  It also ignores questions over the resilience of the CBD. its ageing, often capacity-constrained infrastructure. and the vulnerability to extreme climatic events of low lying and reclaimed land on which much of it is built[6].

Promoting higher employment densities around stations to lift the viability of rail will generate additional road congestion as much of the interaction around businesses still requires point-to-point vehicle access, the majority of commuters are likely to remain car-bound, and the more people that live in and around the CBD the more of them will need to commute outwards to employment as well as for recreational reasons -- by car.

And there is a real question mark over what those many more white collar workers in the new towers might be doing,[7] especially as high tech employment increasingly favours low rise, green working environments.

(2)  The impact on congestion will be minimal. Creating additional road capacity by diverting some commuter trips to public transport reduces the costs of private transport, encouraging greater car use until such time as unacceptable levels of delay once more set in.  Such evidence as there is for developed cities in North America, Australasia and Europe does not support the proposition that public transport reduces congestion.[8]

(3)  The Capital costs will be high – almost inevitably higher by hundreds of millions of dollars than current estimates;[9].  Even without the usual "large project blowout" the marginal costs will be very high: if the impact was to triple daily commuting patronage to, say, 30,000 people a day a capital cost of $2.4bn (both optimistic assumptions) represents $120,000 for each additional commuter.
 
(4)  Overheads will be high – fixed costs are a large component of rail overheads.  These include operating costs, maintenance, and renewals (for rolling stock in particular), interest on capital, and depreciation.  Any demands on ratepayers or road users to subsidise this are still costs, costs that are likely to reduce the attractiveness of Auckland as a place to live or invest. 

In addition, pricing public transport to recover even a constant share of higher costs from users is likely to lower demand. This, in turn, is likely to reduce income more than costs, potentially leading to a subsidy (public cost) blow out.

(5)  The business case relies on heroic assumptions about the future of work and housing.  Building a case on assumptions about a shift to high density housing on suburban stations and new towers of white collar employees around inner city stations is highly risky, with no evidence that the risks have been factored into decision making. [10]  And there seems to be little consideration given to the risks to rail resulting from technical advances taking place in the automobile industry that should increase the efficiency of roads, lower the costs and boost further the convenience of cars, and improve the performance of buses  [2],

(6)  The economics do not stack up and consequently fiscal risk is high.[11][12]  The legacy of the CRL is likely to be enduring debt and costs that potentially reduce the appeal of Auckland as a place to live without reducing the problem of congestion. And they will be so much higher if the optimistic projections on which the business case is based fail to materialise.  When costs substantially exceed benefits productivity suffer and the Auckland economy is the loser. 

There’s got to be a Better Way
The aim of this post was to contribute to the current debate over the future of the CRL.  Whether or not it goes ahead it is not going to solve Auckland’s transport problems.  Nor will an integrated transport system based on common ticketing and interchange stations with their substantial land demands and impact on local and arterial road congestion help much.

The long-term solution may best be based on a return to basics: identifying the land use pattern that is in accord with both the city’s geography and the ambitions of the council to house another million residents (an ambition that seems to have gone un-debated in the lead up to current plans).  The transport system needs to be organised to serve that. 

Planning land use to serve an outmoded transit model based on an increasingly dated transport mode justified by the view that Auckland can continue to grow as mono-centric city is a recipe for disappointment  - and not just in transport.




[1] Starting on this blog with Buses or Bust? April 2011 and Rethink the Link: Does Auckland Really Need to Pour Money into a Hole in the Ground, December 2011  To get an alternative point of view, visit transportblog.co.nz/
[7] See, for example, Whither White Collar Services? December 2011
[11] This is the sort of contingency that a Business case should address as a matter of course.

Tuesday, October 7, 2014

Hardening Arteries: Intensification and Inner City Congestion

Apartment creep
One tool in the compact cities toolbox is boosting residential densities along arterial roads. It’s a tool that should be used sparingly.

According to a report by Bernard Orsman in the New Zealand Herald, it’s a tool giving rise to mixed reactions along Great North Road, Grey Lynn, as planners apparently exercise their discretion to
rise above the proposed Auckland Unitary Plan by allowing apartment buildings higher than originally planned.

This raises questions over the rights (or otherwise) of current residents to sunshine and views and over the impact of new bulky structures on heritage areas and buildings in the inner city (Figure 1). To be fair, the car yards along Great North Road hardly merit preservation, although adjoining and nearby villas may do. The trouble is, though, this is not an isolated example.

The other issue worrying residents is simply the impact of so many more people – and their cars. Allowing six storeys where the original intention was four (something that some local residents could apparently live with) makes for a substantial increase.

Do inner city apartments stack up?

I questioned the economics of higher density inner city dwellings in Auckland some time ago. These concerns are confirmed by developer Brady Nixon in the Herald article. 

He cited costs of $8,000 to $10,000 per sqm to build apartments in Auckland. Evidently a single bedroom 54sqm apartment at North Apartments on Great North Road cost $11,462/sqm. Brady compares this with $3,150/sqm for a 238sqm house at Flatbush.

Figure 1: Planned North Apartments, Great North Rd
Before

    Source: Google Earth

 After

    Source: http://www.northapartments.co.nz/

Good for some
There is no doubt that inner city[1] living suits particular markets, primarily the 20 to 30 age group, people in tertiary education, starting jobs, building careers, yet to develop permanent relationships. This is demonstrated in my last post.
 
But that will account for well under 20% of population growth over the next 15 years [2]. How many of this group and recent immigrants (40% of inner city residents lived overseas five years ago) will be able to afford well designed apartments?

What can we deliver?
The push for higher buildings is necessary so that high inner city land and development costs can be spread across more apartments. Adding storeys is one approach to achieving commercial returns. Sacrificing quality is another, an approach apparently adopted for a number of projects in the past. While that may suit a transient inner city population, it does little for the quality of urban design and may well contribute to social problems in the long term.

Can boomers give apartments a lift?
Another way forward if intensification is the objective might be to produce apartments that appeal to more mature households, and simply leave Gen Y to their own devices (not a happy prospect).   Apparently there has been a surge in demand for apartment living among older people in Brisbane. But, they are looking for well-appointed three-bedroom apartments where they can sustain – and afford – a lifestyle similar to the one they are used to. Given the economics of apartment development it’s difficult to see a similar standard and style in Auckland being affordable among those ageing boomers who might favour inner city living.

As it is, they are not likely to account for a lot of demand. Only 1.2% of Aucklanders aged over 50 lived in the inner city in 2013 (compared with 5.2% of Aucklanders aged between 15 and 39). So what is the likelihood that inner city apartments might appeal to more of them?

 Not great. Members of the boomer demographic in Auckland are
suburban dwellers, used to space and privacy. Retirement villages offer a suburban alternative that does not require their withdrawal from the communities where they currently live if they choose to trade down. They still receive the benefits of low maintenance and security while retaining access to a little space and privacy. 

Congestion - the elephant in the apartment
That might be just as well because mindlessly boosting residential development on arterial roads promises simply to compound Auckland’s congestion problems.

We know higher densities are associated with higher congestion. Auckland’s geography means it already performs poorly on this count. The Tom Tom Congestion Index confirms this.  

When the 2013 congestion index for 65 American and Australasian cities is plotted against population density (sourced from the
Demographia website) Auckland sits among the worst performers – Vancouver, Sydney, Los Angeles, and San Francisco (Figure 2).
 
Figure 2: Population Density and Congestion


 

Inner city dwellers still use cars

Intensifying housing on arterial roads can only make that worse. While proponents of inner city living might cite a reduction in car use as a result of proximity to work and cafes to justify it, the reality is that people use cars for more than commuting and dining.

 In 2013 inner city households owned over 10,000 cars (0.7 per household or 43/ha). Doubling or tripling the number of residents by promoting inner city apartments will lead to increasing congestion, especially when that takes place on arterial roads. 


Given that households in the inner suburbs (the rest of the Isthmus) focus their travel on those roads and owned nearly 200,000 cars in 2013 (1.6/household and 14/ha), Auckland’s main arterials could well resemble parking lots rather than roads in the future. 

Gilding the lily
This makes the before and after images in Figure 1 somewhat misleading given that there is no sign of additional activity in the second image despite the prospect that the North Apartments alone will house another 40 to 60 inhabitants.

This omission reminds me of a pitch for intensifying dwellings around arterial roads in Melbourne. The before and after images in Figure 3 were intended to illustrate how Australian cities might be transformed. Detached houses are replaced by continuous four to six storey apartments, all achieved, if we are to accept the rendering,  with no more people on the footpath, no more rubbish bins to sidestep, no more tram stops and no more cars .
 
Figure 3: Half a transformation: packed apartments, quiet street

 

Less haste, more thought
Oh that it were so easy: that with the stroke of a pen and perhaps a little airbrushing planners could solve our housing problems and retain a pleasant, uncongested inner city environment.

The reality is that it is hard to make apartment living work in the inner city, and short-sighted simply dumping it onto arterial roads.  Unthinkingly reaching for the sky is a risky response to the need for more housing, especially affordable housing. A lot more thought needs to go into this particular planning tool before it is applied in such a cavalier manner.

[1] The CBD and “outer central city” as defined in my
previous post
[2] This estimate is based on the Statistics New Zealand age-specific Auckland population projections (2006 base). This groups 15 to 39 year olds together, a group projected to account for 27% of growth from 2016 to 2031, compared with 61% among the over 40s.

Wednesday, December 11, 2013

Do density and public transport resolve congestion?

(First Published January 2013)

The compact city/transit answer to the urban sustainability question

Expensive – and usually loss-making – public transit is enjoying a resurgence in the face of uncertainty over the supply and price of oil, concerns about the proliferation of private vehicles and greenhouse gas emissions, and  questions over the sustainability of our cities.

Transit is generally promoted as part of a programme to increase city densities.  In Auckland, for example, the plan is to recreate a compact city in order to get people out of cars.  A commitment to increasing the capacity of rail-based public transport is intended to support residential densities and justify concentrating public investment in the CBD.
I have addressed some of the issues this raises in earlier blogs.   (E.g., Rethink the Link, Five More Reasons, Thin Edge of the Tunnel Wedge, Derailing Auckland)


Exploring the relationship – the data
Using the Tom Tom international congestion index it is possible to explore the association between congestion and city density.  I analysed Q2/2012 morning congestion figures for 25 North American and 51 European cities covered by the index.  The index is based on the real time experience of drivers in areas of high usage of Tom Tom car navigation systems.  Congestion is measured as the deviation in travel time on individual routes at peak times compared with when they are flowing freely (generally at night).  The higher the deviation, the greater the congestion.

I looked for relationships between morning peak hour congestion and city size, population, and density using the Demographia July 2012 compendium of world urban areas data.   

Here are some summary figures for the second quarter, 2012:
Source: Tom Tom, 2012; Demographia, 2012
Congestion is additional peak hour travel time compared with free flow travel over the same routes.
 
(Out of interest, the comparable density figures for Auckland, Hamilton, Wellington and Christchurch are 2,400. 2,200, 1,900, and 2,000 respectively). 


Note the greater range of congestion figures among European compared with North American cities, and their significantly higher high and median figures.
 
The North American evidence:  higher density = more congestion?
I undertook simple and multiple regressions in each case to establish how far differences in congestion depend on the physical size of cities, how far on their populations, and how far on residential densities.
 
Among the North American cities only population density was statistically significant, explaining 52% of the differences in morning congestion among cities.  By and large, as densities increase, so does congestion (Figure 1).  The inference is that transport efficiency is no better among more compact cities, and may be worse.

Figure 1: The relationship between density and congestion, North American Cities

Does transit help?
It would take more comprehensive evaluation to establish how far transit systems might modify this relationship between density and congestion. The US News website provides a ranking of the top ten US transit systems based on ridership, safety, and government spending.  Only five are in the Tom Tom sample. 

Figure 2 orders the cities from worst to best performing on the ground of the difference between congestion that would be expected on density grounds alone (as predicted by the regression equation in Figure 1) and the actual congestion recorded.  Hence, Boston has higher levels of congestion (48%) than predicted (27%) on the basis of its density (just 800 persons per square km). And like poorly performing Seattle, it has one of the top ten transit systems as ranked by US News (4th and 9th respectively).  

Figure 2: Congestion performance, North American cities

The other poor performers based on this analysis include both high density Montreal, Ottawa, and Vancouver, and low density Atlanta. 
This is not a definitive analysis.  Rather, it suggests propositions for further consideration.  Among these, higher densities do not necessarily mean less congestion – more likely the opposite.  And leading edge transit does not necessarily fix the problem. 

The European Evidence: there is no evidence
The results for European cities were completely different, adding weight to the argument that context matters: what works in one setting will not necessarily work in another.  Across the 52 cities there is no relationship between density and congestion.  (There is, however, a weak relationship with cities’ physical size, r2=0.25). 

Figure 3 plots morning congestion as a deviation from the median for the 51 cities and includes a plot of densities.  It isn’t easy to read. In summary, the poor performers are Warsaw (density 3,100), Marseilles (1,300), Istanbul (9,700), Toulouse (1,100), Rome (3,400) and Brussels (2,600).  The better performers include the smaller cities of Malmo (density 3,600), Zagreb (5,700), Valencia (3,000), Seville (5,600) and Bern (2,300).

Figure 3: Congestion Performance, European cities

Does transit help?
A listing of the world’s top ten transit systems in 2011 included only four from the European sample (and only the New York subway from North America).  The London Underground comes in third, but London Metro Area comes in at a low 39th on the European congestion rankings.  The Paris Metro is rated fifth , but Paris sits at 46th among the 51 European cities for congestion.  The Berlin U-Bahn sits at 9th place and the city's congestion 21st in Europe.  Copenhagen is 10th in the world transit stakes and 16th in congestion ranking.

While the results are quite different from the North American analysis, the European evidence also offers no grounds for suggesting that density is a prerequisite either to better commuting conditions or that congestion reflects the quality of transit systems.

(A contrarian might argue, of course, that transit creates a commitment to a land use pattern that promotes congestion, delaying or distorting the decentralisation of employment that might otherwise occur in a well-connected city). 

Pursuing poorly performing precedents
If nothing else, the analysis raises issues which deserve much closer analysis, especially in Auckland where they do not support plans for a high cost transit system to support a compact city.

While planning – and planners – in Auckland have a tendency to cite overseas precedent to support expanded rail-based transit and higher residential densities, the variability of overseas experience suggests that this is a highly risky strategy.  Context really does matter – not only here but also among the precedent cities our planners love to cite. This is especially the case when poor performers on the congestion scale like Vancouver and Seattle in North America and London and Paris in Europe are touted as paragons of integrated land use and transport planning. 

So why do our planners and politicians continue to gamble the city's fiscal future on an economically flawed project which overseas data suggests has limited prospect of meeting its objectives?       

 

Friday, January 11, 2013

Congestion, Density, and Transit– Have we got the mix all wrong?

The compact city/transit answer to the urban sustainability question

Expensive – and usually loss-making – public transit is enjoying a resurgence in the face of uncertainty over the supply and price of oil, concerns about the proliferation of private vehicles and greenhouse gas emissions, and  questions over the sustainability of our cities.

Transit is generally promoted as part of a programme to increase city densities.  In Auckland, for example, the plan is to recreate a compact city in order to get people out of cars.  A commitment to increasing the capacity of rail-based public transport is intended to support residential densities and justify concentrating public investment in the CBD.
I have addressed some of the issues this raises in earlier blogs.   (E.g., Rethink the Link, Five More Reasons, Thin Edge of the Tunnel Wedge, Derailing Auckland)


Exploring the relationship – the data
Using the Tom Tom international congestion index it is possible to explore the association between congestion and city density.  I analysed Q2/2012 morning congestion figures for 25 North American and 51 European cities covered by the index.  The index is based on the real time experience of drivers in areas of high usage of Tom Tom car navigation systems.  Congestion is measured as the deviation in travel time on individual routes at peak times compared with when they are flowing freely (generally at night).  The higher the deviation, the greater the congestion.

I looked for relationships between morning peak hour congestion and city size, population, and density using the Demographia July 2012 compendium of world urban areas data.   

Here are some summary figures for the second quarter, 2012:
Source: Tom Tom, 2012; Demographia, 2012
Congestion is additional peak hour travel time compared with free flow travel over the same routes.
 
(Out of interest, the comparable density figures for Auckland, Hamilton, Wellington and Christchurch are 2,400. 2,200, 1,900, and 2,000 respectively). 


Note the greater range of congestion figures among European compared with North American cities, and their significantly higher high and median figures.
 
The North American evidence:  higher density = more congestion?
I undertook simple and multiple regressions in each case to establish how far differences in congestion depend on the physical size of cities, how far on their populations, and how far on residential densities.
 
Among the North American cities only population density was statistically significant, explaining 52% of the differences in morning congestion among cities.  By and large, as densities increase, so does congestion (Figure 1).  The inference is that transport efficiency is no better among more compact cities, and may be worse.

Figure 1: The relationship between density and congestion, North American Cities

Does transit help?
It would take more comprehensive evaluation to establish how far transit systems might modify this relationship between density and congestion. The US News website provides a ranking of the top ten US transit systems based on ridership, safety, and government spending.  Only five are in the Tom Tom sample. 

Figure 2 orders the cities from worst to best performing on the ground of the difference between congestion that would be expected on density grounds alone (as predicted by the regression equation in Figure 1) and the actual congestion recorded.  Hence, Boston has higher levels of congestion (48%) than predicted (27%) on the basis of its density (just 800 persons per square km). And like poorly performing Seattle, it has one of the top ten transit systems as ranked by US News (4th and 9th respectively).  

Figure 2: Congestion performance, North American cities

The other poor performers based on this analysis include both high density Montreal, Ottawa, and Vancouver, and low density Atlanta. 
This is not a definitive analysis.  Rather, it suggests propositions for further consideration.  Among these, higher densities do not necessarily mean less congestion – more likely the opposite.  And leading edge transit does not necessarily fix the problem. 

The European Evidence: there is no evidence
The results for European cities were completely different, adding weight to the argument that context matters: what works in one setting will not necessarily work in another.  Across the 52 cities there is no relationship between density and congestion.  (There is, however, a weak relationship with cities’ physical size, r2=0.25). 

Figure 3 plots morning congestion as a deviation from the median for the 51 cities and includes a plot of densities.  It isn’t easy to read. In summary, the poor performers are Warsaw (density 3,100), Marseilles (1,300), Istanbul (9,700), Toulouse (1,100), Rome (3,400) and Brussels (2,600).  The better performers include the smaller cities of Malmo (density 3,600), Zagreb (5,700), Valencia (3,000), Seville (5,600) and Bern (2,300).

Figure 3: Congestion Performance, European cities

Does transit help?
A listing of the world’s top ten transit systems in 2011 included only four from the European sample (and only the New York subway from North America).  The London Underground comes in third, but London Metro Area comes in at a low 39th on the European congestion rankings.  The Paris Metro is rated fifth , but Paris sits at 46th among the 51 European cities for congestion.  The Berlin U-Bahn sits at 9th place and the city's congestion 21st in Europe.  Copenhagen is 10th in the world transit stakes and 16th in congestion ranking.

While the results are quite different from the North American analysis, the European evidence also offers no grounds for suggesting that density is a prerequisite either to better commuting conditions or that congestion reflects the quality of transit systems.

(A contrarian might argue, of course, that transit creates a commitment to a land use pattern that promotes congestion, delaying or distorting the decentralisation of employment that might otherwise occur in a well-connected city). 

Pursuing poorly performing precedents
If nothing else, the analysis raises issues which deserve much closer analysis, especially in Auckland where they do not support plans for a high cost transit system to support a compact city.

While planning – and planners – in Auckland have a tendency to cite overseas precedent to support expanded rail-based transit and higher residential densities, the variability of overseas experience suggests that this is a highly risky strategy.  Context really does matter – not only here but also among the precedent cities our planners love to cite. This is especially the case when poor performers on the congestion scale like Vancouver and Seattle in North America and London and Paris in Europe are touted as paragons of integrated land use and transport planning. 

So why do our planners and politicians continue to gamble the city's fiscal future on an economically flawed project which overseas data suggests has limited prospect of meeting its objectives?